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21 March 2011

Caribbean Winter School: Vedado Escuela Secundaria

The following project was completed during the 2nd Caribbean Winter School in Havana, Cuba (2011) and was jointly produced by myself, Carrie Bayley (Manchester School of Architecture), Ana-Luise Ibarra (CUJAE) and Elke Schingel (Munster School of Architecture).

The winter school programme tasked students to address the idea of a School being used as a tool for social and urban transformation in urban centres - School +. Central to this was the arguement that schools are one of the few instruments available to governments, commmunities, architects or other interested parties but that relevant examples are lacking, particularly when new town building in certain parts of the world have only been concerned with aesthetic issues. Student teams were challenged to move beyond simple 'social engagement' as an add-on to an existing brief and to start from 'first-principles' to fully challenge the programme and meaning of both "school" and "+". This new emphasis on the social role of architecture (and architects) can be seen as a reflection within a wider professional shift as a response to the economic downturn of 2008 (see for example Notes on Metamodernism). The following project deals with a Secondary School building in the Vedado district of Havana, three other student projects dealt with the same brief whilst five tackled a Primary School in Centro district.

Site Issues

The proposed site in Vedado at the corner of Calzada and Calle K.


Currently serving as 2200m2 of car park, the Vedado site was situated adjacent to Calzada street, a corner plot of the city block between Calle L and K. The wider area is framed by buildings and places with both high architectural and social value, including the Office of Interests of the United States of America, the Camilo Cienfuegos Hospital, Anti-Imperialist Square José Martí and the Sport Center José Martí as well as being closely situated to the Malecon. By far the most challenging charateristic of the site however is the fact that it is at high risk of sea penetration, with penetrations of 1.2m or more an annual occurance. Other environmental considerations to contend with include the south and south-west orientation, meaning that it is not shaded by adjacent buildings (a scenario often desired for the cooling effect it brings), and that the existing residential blocks surrounding it reduce the direct impact of the sea breezes from the north-east. Furthermore it suffers from acoustic problems due to the close proximity of traffic (both vehicular and pedestrian) on Calzada.


United States Interests Section, Havana, Cuba near the Malecon.

Vedado is structued by a grid of 100m x 100m blocks that has been orientated 45 degrees of north-west and north-east to "diminish the effects of heatstroke and to take advanatage of the predominat sea breezes". The site represents a place where the dominant grid meets the coastal fringe. Local development regulations stipulate that 33% of the surface area of each plot must be left undeveloped and a series of codes enforce garden and 'green' strips. These, combined, with a network of parks that provide social spaces for residents, give the area a 'green' appeareance. The existing buildings show the damage of annual flooding and on the whole are 1950/60s orthognal, concrete blocks. Calzada breaks the coherence of the Vedado grid, creating a triangular shaped park that has become a scene of conflicting emotions. The presence of Havana's main Funeral Home opposite the site and the close proximity to the United States Interests Section building mean that the park has become a place of gathering for people experiencing a range of human emotions - from joy (at being offered emigration to the US) to great saddness (rejection and mourning). In the evening the park becomes the social meeting point for the local community.

Positions

The programme for a standard secondary school set out requirements for a school that serves 270 students across three grade years (7th, 8th and 9th). These students would be taught in standard classrooms of 30 pupils and specialist learning activities would take place in supplementary spaces (science laboratories, art rooms, etc). Certain elements of the programme, including the Dining space and Library were obvious candidates for hosting wider social activities and opening the school up to the wider community. An early decision was made to combine these elements of the brief into one central multi-functional 'Heart' space. This central space would consist of adaptable spaces and break out areas with potential for it's services to function for 24 hours per day.

Key design concepts

A rational analysis of both the site and programmatic issues also meant that an early decision was taken to lift the main elements of the school off of the ground and out of the risk of sea penetrations. Although this would only require raising the building up by 1.2m by lifting the school higher, by 6m, new spaces are freed up beneath that create new opportunities for future development as well as creating new social spaces that open up to the existing park.

Defining future learning environments

The ability for the school to provide learning environments that suited the needs of Cuba's current education system and that were also able to adapt over time was a key element in driving the design. Cuba has seen rapid change in the way education works in recent years with an increase in technology in the classroom (with televisions, VCRs and computers) that is expected to continue. One of the largest criticisms of Cuba's current school buildings is their inability to adapt to these new technologies and new teaching methods.

Development


The scheme was developed with the use of models. An initial area study in volumes was used to assess the impact of the scheme on the local environment, taking into account the opportunities from site constraints for new interactions.

Model - Initial accommodation volume study

These initial studies were then developed into a preferred option of three 'stepping elements' that was then tested more thoroughly over the two week programme.

Model - Development from initial scheme (right) to final proposal (left)


Vision


Informed by a number of constraints on the site and acknowledging that the building will continue to grow beyond its completion date, the proposed Secondary School uses these constraints as opportunities for design, not barriers. The school becomes a new beacon in the community with a civic presence that is reinforced by being raised 6m above the ground. Materials and the use of vegetation should help to fully integrate the school into the wider community and become a tool for enacting social change.

Exterior View

Externally the building is wrapped in a brick screen, with the bricks laid to allow perforations to maintain natural air flow and offer glimpses of the activity taking place behind. The choice of red brick was made after examining the local area and the materials that weathered best in the sea air and withstood flooding, without drastically affecting the visual appearance. This screen also creates a controlled façade that addresses the two main roads adjacent to the site, expressing the irregularity of the grid in this part of Vedado.

Ground Floor and Landscape Plan

The existing park is restructured to tie it in visually and psychologically with the new school and community facilities. A material change on the pavement and road surface helps to signify this link, without the need of rerouteing or drastically changing the road layout in the area. A series of new social gathering spaces, in the shade of the building above, compliment a new outdoor auditorium in the site's northern most corner that can become a new social gathering point with performances in the evening and at weekends hosted by the school or other community groups (there is also the potential for screening films or other events). Within this landscape sits the first element of the main building, an information point and circulation points that take students (and the community) up into the main functional spaces. Large sections of the walls pivot open to help draw people in. This point is designed so that in the event of sea penetrations minimal damage is done.

Upper Floor Plans

From a series of highly functional ramps the main school building is accessed. A simple diagram of three connected 'elements' can be read as one storey of specialist classrooms and administration (north/left) and three storeys of standard classrooms (south/right) that surround the central public functions (Library/Dining). A series of outdoor terraces greet students as they move up through the school and provide additional space for outdoor learning.

Section A

The main school element is lifted 6m above the ground, with three storeys of accommodation at 4m in height each, giving an overall height of 18m. The central element, a series of decks (with differing levels of screening for privacy, etc), is set 2m below the main 6m line so that new visual connections are created.

Section B

The three elements are structured to provide a degree of self-shading whilst they are not so close so as to over power or create restricted places. This stepping also helps to reduce the mass of the structure visible from surrounding properties. The openings also allow cross ventilation of the natural sea breezes to continue and not form a barrier to them.

'Interior' Perspective of Dining and Library 'Heart Space'

The 'Heart' space, with shared functions, is designed as a socially active place that will visibly change through out the day as new activities take place. On the first deck is housed the dining area that can function as a cafe or meeting point. Above this is the library, with a secure book enclosed on two sides by moveable walls that can be opened up to allow easy access from the reading area. As users move up through this space the areas become more private until a roof terrace, shaded by a canvas canopy, is reached.

Standard Classroom Perspective

The standard classrooms are screened by the perforated brick façade and a 2m strip of outdoor space that features seats and areas of vegetation. This strip can be opened up to the classrooms with a folding wall that increases the teaching area and allows for natural ventilation and a private area of outdoor space for each classroom. These classrooms can be changed over time as learning methods change.

Defining future uses through flexible spacese


Potential exists between the structured grid of the columns for volumes to be appropriated by up to two floors in places, through light-weight, adaptable construction. The school remains above as a more visually static element although behind the brick screen it to is flexible. This approach recognises that cities change and grow over time, with users often appropriating space incrementally.

Model - View along Calzada, Funeral Home on left

The use of 'V' shaped concrete columns can be read as a reinterpretation of the traditional colonnade that characterises so much of Havana. These columns also allow the required 5m of garden space (a Vedado building regulation) to flow under the building but the existing building line to be maintained.

Model - View from adjacent properties

The central element has a different structural expression, resting on concrete shear walls (that enclose the information point) and two slender concrete columns.

Model - Aerial view

The overall form is designed to work with the existing urban fabric, respecting the existing building heights. The highest point of the proposal being opposite the Funeral Home, one of the most important civic structures in the area.



In summary then School + (and the Secondary School proposal) is not about architectural statements (genius sketches or image-making) but about a rational process that responds to and then informs the existing urban fabric. It is about new social agendas and architecture is only a vessel for that agenda. School + should not represent a school, it should be a school for today and for the future.

20 March 2011

Ravensbury Square

The following project was completed as part of my third year BA (Hons) Architecture studies at Manchester School of Architecture (2008-2009 academic year).

A proposal for new housing in East Manchester.

Ravensbury Square looks to respond to the problems of urban and socio-economic decay occurring in the peripheral areas of Manchester City Centre, focusing on a community of East Manchester (subject of the largest Pathfinder scheme in the UK) – West Clayton.

West Clayton sits in an inner city zone, neither truley urban nor suburban.

The specific site was the subject of a Compulsory Purchase Order in 2008 and the traditional Victorian terraces that once occupied it have since been demolished. It occupies a key location within the community, adjacent to the main arterial link road into the area and a primary school. Despite recent investment in the area the quality of the housing and the overall built environment is poor.

Abandonded site in West Clayton, earmarked for development. Circa 2009.

Ravensbury Square is a proposal for 54 socially inclusive dwellings and associated community space, in an attempt to raise the standard of the built environment within West Clayton. The proposed dwellings challenge preconceptions of affordable housing in the UK and calls for a new adaptive typology to meet the challenges of contemporary lifestyles.


The proposal works within (then) current UK Government Policy and Development
Frameworks, such as requirements to build to densities of 30 dwellings per hectare.



Adaptive density is proposed as a solution that has the ability to meet the needs of today without compromising its’ ability to meet the needs of future generations. A flexible approach allows individuals to appropriate the home, developing them as and when required, whilst taking ownership over semi-private and communal areas. The terrace house is seen as the ideal model to provide a medium-density solution in our towns and cities.


The development seeks to bring together the surviving and the incoming community.



Current government legislation and local development frameworks have been used to inform the design process, steps taken include retaining the existing street grid and working to Lifetime Home standards. The primary materials, brick and slate, are designed to evoke the traditional terraces of Manchester. These traditional construction methods create opportunities to train local unemployed people, giving them new transferable skills. The use of lightweight construction for internal partitions allows for flexible alterations to the homes.

A dynamic elevation is animated through voids, alcoves and terraces. The
façades, with their controlled use of three separate bricks that gradually blend down
the street, help to bring definition to the building forms whilst providing a stable backdrop.

The final design reflects the local environment, being a location situated neither in the urban core or the suburban periphery, and also respects the existing residential fabric, offering new space to the existing community.

The one and three bedroom properties are seen as an interlocking unit to
maximise space whilst retaining a controlled elevation.

The development of semi-private and zoned open space is integral to the scheme, with a series of communal play/leisure areas that, like the houses, do not prescribe specific functions but suggest possible uses. New links are opened up to existing public parks with the aim that streets, liberated from the car, are used by the existing and the new community alike.

The building blocks, constructed from a restrained palette of materials,
frame a series of urban rooms. These losely programmed spaces are designed
to allow residents and the local community to adapt the spaces over time.

The project was exhibited as part of the Manchester School of Architecture End of Year Show in 2009 inside a purpose built installation that tested the model of pre-fabricated 'Shed-units' that could be used to grow the houses incrementally.

Exhibition testing 'Shed' typology.

Awards

Winner, Manchester Society of Architects Design Awards 2010, Student Category, May 2010
Commendation, KPF/AF Student Travel Awards, May 2010
Nominee, RIBA President Medals, Bronze Medal for Part 1 Students, October 2009
Winner, Steacy Greenway Prize "Outstanding 3rd Year Studio Porject", June 2009
Winner, Hays Architecture "Best Design Report Award", June 2009
Winner, Sheppard Robson Prize for Best BA (Hons) Architecture Design Project, June 2009

Notes

Further information is available here.

The project has been exhibited in Manchester ('End of Year Show', Manchester School of Architecture, 2009 & 'MSA Design Awards' CUBE Gallery, 2010), London ( 'KPF/AF Student Travel Awards', Architecture Foundation, 2010) and Vienna ('Blue Award Exhibition', Vienna University of Technology, 2010).

The exhibition piece was featured in ‘Architectural Modelmaking’ by Dr Nick Dunn (Architectural Modelmaking, N. Dunn, Laurence King, 2010, p142).

Get Over It! Symposium

On May 12th 2011 the students from the MA Architecture + Urbanism course at the Manchester School of Architecture will be hosting the second in a series of annual symposia. Building on last year's highly successful 'Hive Minds' event, this year the event, entitled 'Get Over It!', will tackle a range of pertinent issues currently afflicting the world of architecture and urbanism.


Recession. Creative Opportunity? A symposium organised by the 
MA Architecture + Urbanism at the Manchester School of Architecture MAY 12 2011

"In a time of economic austerity, political uncertainty and social crisis, how can the city move forward? GET OVER IT! will bring together a range of speakers from diverse disciplines to investigate methods for extracting potential from the current recession. Architecture, technology, sociology, politics, economics, culture and education all have a role to play in the reconfiguration of the city. Instigated by the MA Architecture and Urbanism students at the Manchester School of Architecture, the aim of the symposium is to address new creative opportunities for redundant city spaces and the broader built environment."

Further details will be confirmed in the next few weeks. For the latest information keep an eye on the blog or twitter feed.

19 March 2011

Caribbean Winter School: Debrief

View of La Habana from Casablanca (across the bay).

I recently returned from attending the 2nd Caribbean Winter School in Havana, Cuba (see earlier post here), with another representative of the Manchester School of Architecture - Carrie Bayley. Organised by the Muenster School of Architecture, in cooperation with the Universitat Politèchnica de Catalyna (Barcelona) and University CUJAE (Havana) the programme ran between February 21st 2011 and March 13th 2011. The three week programme was a fascinating, if intense and at times over whelming, experience that allowed me to explore various different areas of the city which I will be exploring in the coming weeks on this blog. To start with I will use this piece to provide a debrief and over view of the winter school and the programme it was challenged with addressing - "School +".

International Perspectives: The winter school brought together a range of
individuals from across Europe and Central America

The winter school brought together 35 students from 4 countries and 5 different academic institutions - 15 from the Munster School of Architecture, Munster, Germany, 5 from HTWG Constanz University, Constanz, Germany, 3 from Technion (Israel Institute of Technology), Haifa, Israel, 2 from the Manchester School of Architecture and 10 from CUJAE, Havana, Cuba. The student contingent was complimented by a team of professors, tutors and invited critics from 4 countries and 6 different academic institutions: Prof. Prof.h.c. Herbert Buehler (Muenster School of Architecture), Prof. Dr. Ruben Bancroft (CUJAE), Prof. Myriam Gautschi (HTWG, Constanz), Prof. Gavriela Nussbaum (Technion), Prof. Jorge Pena (CUJAE), Prof. Barbara Schmidt-Kirchberg (Muenster School of Architecture), Prof. Jordi Sutrias (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona), Prof. Frid Buehler (Chairman ASAP, Berlin / Muenchen), Prof. Zeev Druckman (Academy of Arts and Design, Jerusalem), Prof. Dr Joiselen Cazanave and Prof. Yanamari Bancroft. A number of the Professors gave lectures during the programme and these will be highlighted in future posts.

The various Professors, Tutors and Critics at the Interim Crit

Working under the title "School +" the students (myself included) worked in 9 international teams (with at least one Cuban student per team) to develop solutions for either a primary or secondary school on a restricted site in the Centro and Vedado districts respectively. Each team had to make use of the local resources (light, sun, air, local materials) to "preserve the valuable urban tissue" of the area and deal with the complex social problems of a school as well as addressing what extra benefit (the "+" element) a school can bring to the wider community.

Group Dynamics: how the international teams broke down

The idea of "School +" was envisioned as part of a UIA working programme and seeks to move beyond simple 'social engagement' or 'community outreach' and become an active component, even a catalyst or tool for urban transformation as opposed to a reactionary response. Furthermore, currently little examples of new purpose-built schools exist in Havana's urban centre (schools are present however they make use of appropriated buildings that are not always suited to their needs) and as such the projects will be presented to the Cuban Ministry of Education to help inform the next phase of school building. The projects will also be presented at the UIA World Congress in Tokyo later this year.


Students from Europe packed model making materials in their luggage to aid the
design of the projects. Spare materials were then donated to students at CUJAE.

The Convento de Santa Clara acted as the winter school's base, with the students staying in the hotel that is now part of the second cloister. The Convento is one of the oldest and most typical Colonial religious buildings in the New World having been founded in 1664 by Sister Catalina de Mendoza to originally offer refuge for the wealthy girls of the city. Two of three original cloisters remain intact, one houses the aforementioned hotel and the other to the Centro Nacional de Conservacion Restauracion y Museologia. It was in the Convento that the project work was undertaken and evening lectures held. In addition to various trips in and around Havana excursions also took place to Matanzas and Varadero further along the east coast of the island.

Students sat in the patio of the Convento de Santa Clara

Overall the winter school experience was a highly enjoyable one which was heightened by the challenge of working on a project in condensed time period with an international team who all brought their different cultural perspectives to the process.

12 March 2011

Small Scale, Big Change Exhibition (MoMA)

Between October 3rd, 2010 and January 3rd, 2011, the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) in New York held an exhibition entitled 'Small Scale, Big Change: New Architectures of Social Engagement'. The show presented eleven projects, across five continents, and sought to highlight both the social commitment of the architects (and others) involved and the functinonal, pragmatic requirements of the designs. The scale of the projects are relatively small, ranging from a Primary School in Burkina Faso to Metro Cable in Venezuela, but reveal a renewed emphasis on socially responsibility within pockets of the architectural profession, to enact social, economic and political change on a much wider scale through interventions.

Quinta Monroy Housing, Chile, by Elemental
(Image: Tadeuz Jalocha)

This renewed emphasis on the socially enabling qualities of architecture reflects a return to the social ideals championed by proponents of the Modern movement, in the 20th cenutry (particularly organisations such as the Congres Internationaux d'architecture moderne - CIAM). However, these schemes are set apart from their 'Modern' forebears by their commitment to practical, pragmatic solutions as opposed to autocratic utopian visions which weren't implemented, in part, because of their massively unrealistic scale. Furthermore, as the exhibition description states:

"These projects have been selected from an increasingly large number of similar initiatives around the world because they exemplify the degree to which architects can orchestrate change, prioritizing work that has social impact but also balances very real concerns of cost, program, and aesthetics. They succeed in providing communities not only with physical spaces but with opportunities for self-determination and an enhanced sense of identity. As a result, these architects are both designers of buildings and moderators of change. Their integrative methodologies could serve as models for the profession at large."

In addition to the eleven built projects - situated in Bangladesh, Brazil, Burkina Faso, France, Lebanon, South Africa and the United States - highlighting the social values of architecture, they also highlight an interest in local architectural styles and traditional materials. The use of local materials and styles shows how the ideals of postmodernism, when history and local conditions were once again allowed to inform architectural form, are still influencing architects but that certain elements, such as wit and irony, are being replaced. This is also reflected in the particpartory design processes being implemented by the architects, to ensure that the local communities, the end users, are involved in the design and decision making processes. The built projects are supplemented by three internet-based networks, highlighed by the exhibition. These networks look to expand upon the themes explored and share information and experiences, through community leaders, architects, and nongovernmental organizations, to other parts of the world not directly influenced by these projects.

In a recent lecture to at the Manchester Architecture Research Centre (MARC) Dr Gavin Melles (Swinburne University, Australia) used the exhibition to reinforce his proposition that there is currently a generational shift taking place within the profession, a zeitgeist of new pragmatism within architecture and design. He described the exhibition's featured projects as having "pragmatist aesthetics" but that the architects "want their buildings to make a difference". Whilst Sharon McHugh in her review of the exhibition on World Architecture News described the work as being "appropriate for our time and a call for 'Incrementalism'". Furthermore, the growing interest in socially responsible architecture projects can be seen in the November 2008 issue of Icon Magazine ('Activist Architects') and even the American pavillion at the Venice Biennale 2008 (reviewed here) which responded to specific problems with practical (if experimental) solutions.

The full exhibition is viewable online through an accompanying interactive microsite.

Notes

This piece was originally prepared for Notes on Metamodernism on the 18th Feburary 2011 here.

8 March 2011

OMA: Netherlands Embassy, Berlin

In 2003 Dutch practice OMA, headed by Rem Koolhaas, completed the new Netherlands Embassy in Berlin, Germany. The embassy building has been derived from the strict building regulations of Berlin that define a block of 27m in height for the site, reflecting the 19th century architectural forms that are prevalent in the local area. The end result though is a surprising structure that, in the words of OMA, combines "an obedient approach (strictly fulfilling the block's perimeter) with a disobedient one (building an isolated cube)".

Netherlands Embassy, November 2008 (Image: Luke Butcher)

A video of the Dutch Embassy by myself, completed during the Third Year of my BA (Hons) Architecture course at the Manchester School of Architecture, along with Carrie Bayley, Amina Bhaimohmed and Karen Harper, can be viewed on the 'msa field trip films' You Tube channel here.

Netherlands Embassy, November 2008 (Image: Luke Butcher)

The embassy takes the block form and divides it into two parts: a cube, with offices and the main accommodation, and a 'L-shaped' wall, with the embassy residences. These two structures define an internal protected courtyard, with a dramatic, projecting box (a 'sky office') cantilevered into the space, and a series of pedestrian bridges that link the two structures.

Netherlands Embassy, November 2008 (Image: Luke Butcher)

The internal arrangement of the space is defined by a 'trajectory' that unfolds through the cube, circulating movement from the entrance to a top floor restaurant. This route can be seen to be wrapping around the building, appearing and disappearing behind the regularity of the cube's glass and steel façade. At one point the route 'crashes' out of the cube, escaping it's  constraints, and cantilevers over the street below. The dynamic route regulates the eight floors of the main embassy building, creating an interesting spatial arrangement and giving animation to building, particularly at night.


Notes

Office for Metropolitan Architecture, 'Netherlands Embassy' [Online] [First Accessed 18th February 2011] http://www.oma.eu/index.php?option=com_projects&view=project&id=142&Itemid=10

2 March 2011

BIG plans for 'Hedonistic Sustainability'

Bjarke Ingels Group (BIG) has recently won first prize in a competition to replace a 40-year old incinertor operated by Amagerforbraending in Copenhagen. The practice is headed up Bjarke Ingels (1974) a Danish architect and the 2010 Laureate of The European Prize for Architecture. Scheduled to start in 2012 and be completed by 2016 the new waste and energy plant will add to the practice's growing portfolio of Copenhagen based buildings which already includes the VM Housing and the Mountain Dwellings (both started as PLOT and completed with JDS).

Exterior of the New Waste Treatment Plant (Image: Bjarke Ingels Group)
The project looks to tie together the two opposing sides of Amager - the factories and the residential areas - by considering Amagerforbraending not as an isolated object but as an architectural tool to "mobilize and intensify" the existing relationships. Many industrial areas of western cities are witnessing new, non-industiral, uses take hold within them and this area of Copenhagen is no different with a series of recreational activies reappropriating the area. A number of physically challenging sports already take place close to the site and the project looks to engage with these (including cable skiing, go-karting, sailing, and rock climbing) by providing an artificial ski slope on the roof scape of the new waste-to-energy plant. The end result has recently been described by Bjarke Ingels as being "hedonistic sustainability" as they "try to look at some different approaches where sustainable cities and sustainable buildings actually increase the quality of life" (New York Times).

Strategy Diagram for the three ski pistes (Image: Bjarke Ingels Group)

BIG acknowledge that that the internal volume of the plant is largely determined by engineering and technical criteria, with the primary structure having to be integrated with the machinery. However, they were determined that this should not be a building simply wrapped in a beautiful facade (reflecting a growing trend in Europe for waste incineration plants to be "highly designed works of urban architecture" - such as the Teeside Power Station) but should have added functionality. There were able to make a series of 'moves' to manipulate the form, including integrating the smokestack into the overal architecture of the plant and expanding the envelope to accomodate an administrative and visitor centre, and by adding an average of 10m of additional vertical structure across the roof, a new artifical ski slope, suitable for use all year round, can be created. Instead of a large empty roofscape a functional space is crafted to create new social opportunities that is a direct contrast to the energy intensive, indoor ski slopes. Due to the geometry of the roofscape over 1500m of ski runs can be created, accommodating a range of experiences across three slopes of different gradients. Additionally the envelope is constructed of a series planter modules, stacked like bricks, to give it a green facade.

Smoke ring highlighted at night (Image: Bjarke Ingels Group)

Whilst there is a growing awareness of 'environment issues' across the globe, with increased focus amongst media and politcal circles, it remains difficult for people to quantify the issues being discussed, in particular the impact on modern consumption on the environment. The proposal for the Amagarforbraending plant seeks to address this by engaging the public directly. One such engagement takes place in the elevator that takes skiers up to the slopes, with the elevator being adjacent to the smokestack and a glass wall offering glimpses into the internal workings of the plant. The other seeks to quantify exactly how much one ton of CO2 is produced by the plant through a simple modification of the smokestack. A chamber at the top of the smokestack colects '1 ton of fossil CO' before release it as a smoke ring into the air, Bjarke Ingels describes this as turning "the symbol of pollution into something playful". At night the smoke rings are transformed into glowing artworks through heat tracking lights that position lasers on the rings that can then displat graphical information such as CO2 levels as a pie chart. Undoubtedtly these gestures will serve as "gentle reminders" about "the impact of consumption" however it remains at present unclear exactly what '1 ton of fossil CO2' equates to or if this could, unintentionally, trivialise the issue. It is encouraging nonetheless that architects are engaging in the discussions about raising awareness of resorces consumption in a dynamic and engaging way.

The smoke rings can be seen rising above the plant (Image: Bjarke Ingels Group)

Amagerforbraending then represents the latest in socially, economically and environmentally engaged architectural projects that seek to create added valuye. Whilst the mixing of two seemingly incompatible typologys also represents the new interest in 'hybrid buildings'. As BIG put it themselves "now is the time to re-brand the factory".

Notes

Bjarke Ingels Group, 'AMF' [Online] [First Accessed 18th February 2011, 22:34] http://www.big.dk/projects/amf/
New York Times, Green Blog, 'Skiing Your Way to 'Hedonistic Sustainability'' [Online] [First Accessed 18th February 2011, 22:35]
http://green.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/02/16/skiing-your-way-to-hedonistic-sustainability/?partner=rss&emc=rss

24 February 2011

Tree House: Private Spaces in Public Places

'Tree House: Private Spaces in Public Places' is the name of a project I undertook during the Third Year of my BA (Hons) Architecture course at the Manchester School of Architecture, along with Carrie Bayley, Amina Bhaimohmed and Karen Harper. A documentary video of the project can be seen below:


Public and privates spaces are, by their very nature, different, with various tasks taking place in private spaces - such as a home - that are not carried out in public. But what happens when typical daily actions usually carried out in a private space are put into public space? How would a person react to seeing a group eating their breakfast sat a table on a busy street? What do people do when confronted with a sleeping person in a bed on their way to work?

Before

The chosen site for the intervention was a busy thoroughfare from the Potsdamer Platz U-Bahn Station to the ‘Arkaden’ shopping centre. 10 trees define a clear space for pedestrians to move through as the make this journey. This space is also used as a coach park for groups visiting Potsdamer Platz, the parked vehicles screening pedestrians from the public space at the S-Bahn station.

After

The intervention enlivened the space as well as blocking pedestrian movement through the space. It forced people to choose a new path and look at their surroundings, instead of simply passing through the space ‘in a world of their own’. Some people crossed to the other side of the street, whilst overs walked along the edge of the grass bank - very few walked up to the barriers of the intervention and actively engaged with it.

19 February 2011

Caribbean Winter School

The Muenster School of Architecture, in cooperation with the Universitat Politèchnica de Catalyna (Barcelona) and University CUJAE (La Habana), are holding 'Caribbean Winter School' between February 21st and March 13th, 2011. I will be attending the programme in La Habana (Havana), Cuba with another representative of the Manchester School of Architecture (Carrie Bayley), and it promises to be a truly fascinating three weeks of intensive study. In total there are 29 students from various different institutions across Europe taking part.

"To many Cubans and students of development studies around the globe, Cuba was
going to provide a missing ingredient in Marx's incomplete theory of the state's role in
making a transition to socialism"
Havana: Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis

The programme is entitled 'School +' and will look to examine the role of educational and cultural buildings. The forces of globalisation have started an irreversible process of structural change in cities and as such the role of cultural and educational facilities needs to be re-examined. A working program of the UIA (Union Internationale d´Architecture) took up these challenges in a series of conferences and seminars, discussing the possible new roles of educational and cultural buildings in a transformed city structure. The Winter School hopes to build upon these initial discussions and the results, along with other projects, will be presented at the UIA 24th World Congress in Tokyo 2011 (September 25th to October 1st, 2011).

Havana is currently in a period of transition and there is a large amount of urban renewal expected - this is in part the reason for the programme being held there. To answer Havana's challenges the programme proposes that schools should, besides their educational, cultural and social tasks, also be used as tools for controlling urban development and as generators of an independent civil society.

"...to visit La Habana, is to become addicted to urbanism." Andres Duany

The programme is being directing by Prof. Prof.h.c. Herbert Buehler (Muenster School of Architecture), Prof. Dr. Ruben Bancroft (Faculty of Architecture CUJAE, La Habana) and Prof. Dr. Fernando Ramos (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona), with patronage from the Athens-based architect Michail Yannis. Lectures will be given by Prof. Myriam Gautschi (HTWG, Konstanz), Prof. Gavriela Nussbaum (Technical University – Technion, Haifa / Tel Aviv), Prof. Jorge Pena (Faculty of Architecture CUJAE, La Habana), Prof. Barbara Schmidt (Muenster School of Architecture) and Prof. Jordi Sutrias (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona). Additionally Prof. Frid Buehler (Chairman ASAP, Berlin / Muenchen) and Prof. Zeev Druckman (Academy of Arts and Design, Jerusalem) will be acting as guest critics.

The results of the programme will, of course, be featured on this blog upon my return.

14 February 2011

Review: The Production of Space

Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991) was a French social theorist and philosopher who has been appropriated into the world of urban studies by a generation of geographers, architects, planners and academic intellectuals in the Anglophone world (Merrifield, 2006: xxxii). The Production of Space is often cited as Lefebvre’s best known work despite the first English translation not being issued until 1991, seventeen years after the publication was first issued in French as La production de l’espcae (1974). In his native country, France, Lefebvre is best known as a “Marxist philosopher cum rural-urban sociologist” who “brought an accessible Marx to a whole generation of French scholars” (Merrifield, 2006:xxxvii). During his prolific career Lefebvre penned 67 books (1934-1986) however, the majority, to this day, have not been translated into English and the French editions remain out of print, so it is not difficult to see why The Production of Space is his most influential work in the English speaking world. The book itself takes in a vast array of ‘disciplines’ and the whole time it is informed by the “project of a different society, a different mode of production, where social practice would be governed by different conceptual determinations” (Lefebvre, 1991:419). Seeking to bridge the gap between theory and practice – mental and real space – Lefebvre faces up to the complexity of the capitalist contemporary city and attempts to define a “unitary theory of space”.

The Production of Space, Donald Nicholson-Smith trans. (Wiley-Blackwell, 1991)

In the Anglo-American world of urban and spatial ideas a new interest in the social and political organisation of urban environments was being formulated by emerging Marxist geographers. Concerned with an entirely new set of research themes – trade unions, political activists, ideological fields, the dynamics of capitalist accumulation, how the economic structures of a city were intertwined with its political institutions – these urban geographers were inspired by the writings of Engels, Lenin, Marx and Lefebvre (Latham, McCormack, McNarama & McNeil, 2009:12). The beginnings of this shift in focus in interpreting the city came with David Harvey’s ‘Social Justice and the City’ (1973) in which he argued contemporary, liberal, social science was "incapable of understanding the causes of the many inequalities and social injustices that structured the experience of the modern city”. Furthermore, Harvey “asserted, first, that geography was absolutely central to the dynamics of the capitalist system and, second, that cities in particular were key sites for the realisation of surplus value – that they were money-machines” (2009:12). Harvey, among others (including Ed Soja, Fredric Jameson, Mark Gottdiener, Derek Gregory, Kristin Elenore Kofman, and Elizabeth Lebas), credited Lefebvre with re-inventing urbanism (Aronwitz, 2007:134); he was also instrumental in pushing for the English translation of La production de l’espace and as such can be seen as directly responsible for Lefebvre’s posthumous fame and influence (Merrifield, 2006:104). This has lead Andrew Merrifield, in his book ‘Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction’ (2006), to question that “rather than Lefebvre influencing English-speaking geography and urbanism, it’s perhaps been the other way around: maybe it has been Anglo-American spatial theorists who've resuscitated Lefebvre’s lagging spatial career” (2006:104).

Lefebvre was born in 1901 in Hagetmau in the Pyrenees, to a “passionately, even fanatically, Catholic” mother and a father who was “urbanely anticlerical”; this was the “sort of contradiction he was to relish for the rest of his life” (David Harvey in Lefebvre, 1991:425) and is reflected in the contradictions he explores in The Production of Space. Influenced by the dramatic events of 1910 (which he eludes to in the book), the First World War and the Russian Revolution, he would go on to join the French Communist Party in 1928 and “by the outbreak of World War II he was already established as a major intellectual figure in the French Communist movement” (1991:427). His association with the party would continue until his expulsion in 1958, in the wake of the Khruschev Report (1956). It was then that he became associated with the Situationists who, despite differences with Guy Debord reducing the length of his ‘relationship’ with them, “are located in a certain space; their existence and contributions to the revolutionary movement are neither ignored nor over-emphasized” in The Production of Space (Not Bored, 1999). The Production of Space came as the culminating work in a series of seven books, between 1968 and 1974, examining the “nature of urbanization and the production of space” (Harvey in Lefebvre, 1991:430). One other significant observation to make, before closer examination of the text, is that Lefebvre, as already alluded to, was first of all a Marxist (today he held up as a member of the Neo-Marxist school). As Merrifield observes, “texts that discuss his concept of everyday life tend to make short shrift of his dialectical method and utopian 'total man,' thereby severing parts of an oeuvre that coexist in dynamic unit” (Merrifield, 2006:xxxiii).

The Production of Space is divided into seven chapters however the distinctions between each are, at times, hard to distinguish. In each chapter similar issues are raised, “eruptively and disruptively unfolding” (2006: 117) as the reader moves through the pages. With this in mind the analysis that follows will look to each of the general themes discussed by Lefebvre as he attempts to uncover a “differential space” that can deny abstract space any further progress in homogenizing the city. (2006:113). Furthermore differential space itself “isn’t systematic” reinforcing how the book flows “unsystematically through a Nietzschean process of ‘self-abnegation’” (2006: 117). Also, as it is important to remember when analysing the text that just as Lefebvre’s ideas were heavily influenced by Marxist thought, the word ‘space’ has a slightly different meaning that the French ‘espace’ – the English-speaking world though does “have a corresponding fondness for such spatial terms as ‘sector’ and ‘sphere’” (David Nicholson-Smith in Lefebvre, 1991:8).

History of Space

Until the sixteenth century the town was not considered a “subject” in its own right. The rise of the medieval town (founded on commerce as opposed to agrarian practices) “turned the space which preceded it, the space of the ‘world’ upon its head” (Lefebvre, 1991:256) and the subsequent “establishment of ‘urban systems’ in Italy, Flanders, England, France, Spanish America, and elsewhere” created the town as a “unified entity” (1991:271). However, “the centre-periphery split that would occur later, as cities fell apart under the impact of industrialization and stratification, was not yet in the offing” (1991:272). The cause of these changes is fundamentally the shift in mode of production at that time – agrarian feudal space dismantled eventually by industrial capitalism which in turn is replaced by late capitalism (Merrifield, 2006:107). Thus “the shift from one mode [of production] to another must entail the production of a new space” (Lefebvre, 1991:46) and as such modern urban space is a reflection of the dominant modes of production today.

Spatial Practice, Representation of Space and Representational Space

The conceptual triad between spatial practice, representation of space and representational space is a recurring theme in book. Spatial practice “embraces production and reproduction, and the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each social formation” (1991:33). The representation of space is “conceptualized space, the space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and social engineers” whom “identify what is lived and what is perceived with what is conceived” and is the “dominant space in any society (or mode of production).” Representational space on the other hand is “space as directly lived through its associated images and symbols, and hence the space of ‘inhabitants’ and ‘users’” (1991:38-39).

Perspective, in particular its application in Tuscany by architects and artists, is held up as arriving, during a “historic change in the relationship between town and country” (1991:41) - as the town emerged as subject in its own right. This new representation of space contrasts with the idea of representational space which is an image of the world. This divergence continued into the 20th century where “it is arguable, for instance, that Frank Lloyd Wright endorsed a communitarian representational space deriving from a biblical and Protestant tradition, whereas Le Corbusier was working towards a technicist, scientific and intellectualized representation of space” (1991:43). This contrast helps to further reinforce the new relationship between town and country.

Further examples of this dialectic concept are examined through historic Venice, “a space which is fashioned, shaped and invested by social activities during a finite historical period", although here they are seen to be mutually reinforcing (1991:73-4). Theatrical space is also used to highlight how space can be neither and both concurrently, scenic space implying a representation of space, “corresponding  to a particular conception of space, that of the classical drama”, whilst “the representational space, mediated yet directly experienced, which infuses the work and the moment, is established as such through the dramatic action itself” (1991:188).

Is this city (Venice) a work or a product?
Today, products have replaced the work of the city.

The triad of the perceived, the conceived and the lived is Lefebvre’s attempt to move away from the dualisms so often found within philosophical debate and return it to the freedom set in place by Hegel and Marx (1991:39). Despite these attempts the inherent contradictions explored by Lefebvre within the notion of ‘space’ often give rise to dualisms themselves although he attempts to reconcile these through the conceptual triad as a grid.

Specialization

Fragmentation of space is linked to the divisions among specialised professions that have grown up to explain and tackle the city which, in turn define a truncated space as their own private property. This in turn sets up “mental barriers and practico-social frontiers” (1991:90) that have to be overcome if any unified theory of space is to be defined and ultimately implemented. The tendency towards reductive models, simplifying the complexity of space is necessary at first, but it must be quickly reversed otherwise “one of the misfortunes of the specialist is that he makes this methodological moment into a permanent niche for himself where he can curl up happily in the warm” (1991:107). In so doing the specialist also constructs a mental space that allows them to interpret space “according to their particular principles” and also allows them their own specific representations of space (1991:104). Architects are held up as good examples of this practice because they have a trade that needs to establish its own legitimacy but as they attempt to impose these models based on reductive practice it causes the working class, in particular, to suffer (1991:107). "Separation ensures consent and perpetuates misunderstanding; or worse, it props up the status quo" (Merrifield, 2006:104).

The Body

Lefebvre compares the social body of society and social body of needs to the "fleshy body of the living being" and that they "cannot live without generating, without producing, without creating differences" (1991:396). These organic references are used to explain social space, with other references to the language of hydrodynamics when talking about flows and rhythms within this space. Space then is not an inert thing but organic and alive (Merrifield, 2006:104).

Dominated Space and Appropriated Space

There is a distinction between those spaces that are dominated and those that are appropriated. The dominated space is a “space transformed – and mediated – by technology, by practice” and is usually “closed, sterilized, emptied out”. Examples of dominated space proliferate in the ‘modern’ world, such as motorways that slice “through space like a great knife”. The concept of dominant space “attains its full meaning only when it is contrasted with the opposite and inseparable concept of appropriation” (Lefebvre, 1991:164-5). The dominant space can become a self-fulfilling circle, as seen in the case of Goodman’s ‘Asphalt Magic Circle’ where the United States federal government collects a tax on petrol sales to spend on urban highway construction which, in turn leads to higher car sales, more journeys, higher petrol consumption, higher tax revenue, more roads, and so on. (1991:374). Lefebvre theorizes that dominated and appropriated space should, ideally, be combined “but history – which is to say the history of accumulation – is also the history of their separation and mutual antagonism. The winner is this contest, moreover, has been domination” (1991:166).

Abstract Space

Abstract space is the space of capitalism and neocapitalism, “which includes the ‘world of commodities’, its ‘logic’ and its worldwide strategies as well as the power of money and that of the political state” (1991:53). Founded “on the vast networks of banks, business centres and major productive entities, as also on motorways, airports and information lattices” this abstract space has lead to the disintegration of the town (1991:53). Other authors, most notably Jane Jacobs, demonstrated the destructive capabilities of this space “and specifically how urban space, using the very means apparently intended to create or re-create it, effects its own self-destruction” (without ever directly incriminate neopcapitalism as Lefebvre does) (1991:363). Abstract space though, despite what is implied, is “not homogeneous; it simply has homogeneity as its goal” (1991:304) as it seeks to establish the capitalist trinity of land-capital-labour that is global, fragmented and hierarchical (1991:282).

Social Space

Lefebvre’s social space is “not a thing among other things, nor a product among other products: rather, it subsumes things produced, and encompasses their interrelationships in their coexistence and simultaneity – their (relative) order and/or (relative) disorder" (1991:73). Just as with any reality this space is composed of three concepts: form, structure and function that are open to analysis. It if this tripartite analysis that Lefebvre subjects social space to and as a result what is at first “impenetrable” (1991:147) becomes more coherent, being deciphered and decoded through yet another grid (1991:160).

“Everyone knows what is meant when we speak of a ‘room’ in an apartment, the ‘corner’ of the street, a ‘marketplace’, a shopping or cultural ‘centre’, a public ‘place’, and so on. These terms of everyday discourse serve to distinguish, but not to isolate, particular spaces, and in general to describe a social space” (1991:16). Contained within this social space, at differing scales, are a great diversity of objects (natural and social) and networks (facilitating material and information exchange). Lefebvre refers to a split between how micro and macro levels of the city/space are dealt with by the specialised professions (between ‘architecture’ and ‘urbanism’) and how this should have led to increased levels of diversity. However, for him “repetition has everywhere defeated uniqueness, that the artificial and contrived [the abstract space] have driven all spontaneity and naturalness from the field, and, in short that products have vanquished works” (1991:85). This observation of repetitiveness in the capitalist city echoes the concept of ‘Generic City’ that would emerge in the mid-1990s through Rem Koolhaas’s ‘S,M,L,XL'. Compare for instance the comments of Lefebvre that “there is no need to subject modern towns, their outskirts and new buildings, to careful scrutiny in order to reach the conclusion that everything here resembles everything else” (1991:75) with those of Koolhass that "convergence is possibly only at the shedding of identity" (Koolhaas, 1995:1248).

This social space simultaneously: plays a part among the forces of production; it appears as product of singular character (consumed or productively consumed); it is politically instrumental, facilitating the control of society whilst being a means of production; underpins the reproduction of production relations and property relations; it is equivalent to a set of institutional and ideological superstructures that are not presented for what they are; alternatively it assumes an outward appearance of neutrality, insignificance and emptiness (absence); it contains potentialities – of works and of reappropriation. (1991:349)

Differential Space

If the town then has been blown apart, “has been ‘privatized’ – no less superficially – thanks to urban ‘décor’ and ‘design’, and the development of fake environments” (1991:293) through neocapitalism’s abstract space what is the remedy? Differential space is held up as the solution to the “vast machine, an automation, capturing natural energies and consuming them productively”, that is the city that can be “appropriated to a certain use – to the use of a social group” (1991:345). This differential space then is “the space of what socialism ought to be, a space that doesn’t look superficially different but that is different” (Merrifield, 2006:113). Lefebvre holds up the failure of the Soviet constructivists of 1920-30 as one particular group who failed to produce a new appropriate space that took account of new social relationships (Lefebvre, 1991:59). Differential space then “celebrates the bodily and experiential particularity as well as the nonnegotiable ‘right to difference’” (Merrifield, 2006:113) and “acknowledges the centrality of embodied experience to the production, reproduction and contestation of urban space” (Latham, McCormack, McNarama & McNeil, 2009:111) by forging its own appropriated space. By doing so a new spatial code can be constructed “that is, of a language common to practice and theory, as also to inhabitants, architects and scientists” allowing the recapturing of the “unity of disassociated elements” (Lefebvre, 1991:64).

Conclusions

To bring things to a close then if differential space is not allowed to counter abstract space then Lefebvre can see no alternative other than the continuation of the space’s homogenisation. There must be a forced “radical break between the historical and economic realms” (1991:75) that have controlled the production of space up until this point. The Production of Space “seeks to ‘detonate’ everything, to readdress the schisms and scions” (Merrifield, 2006:104) that are the result of the specialized fragmentation of space – both mental and real – to bring together a unified production of space. Lefebvre is able to make this observations through his epistemological shift that moves from conceiving "things in space" to that of the "actual production of space" - Merrifield holds this up as the "same quantum leap Marx made in his colossal, all-incorporating analysis of the capitalist mode of production" (2006:106). Building upon a Marxist idea of ‘production’ he demystifies the dynamic relationships of captialist commoditization and acknowledges that space itself is an “active moment” that needs to be “actively produced” and not just left to its own devices.

Notes

This review was originally prepared for 2nd Caribbean Winter School 2011 Programme.


Lefebvre, H. (1994), Nicholson-Smith, D. trans., The Production of Space, First English Edition (1991 – first French edition 1974), Oxford: Blackwell Publishers
Merrifield, A. (2006), Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction, First Edition, New York: Routledge
Latham, A., McCormack, D., McNamara, K. & McNeil, D. (2009), Key Concepts in Urban Geography, First Edition, London: Sage Publications Ltd
Koolhaas, R. (1995), S,M,L,XL, First Edition, New York: The Monacelli Press
Aronwitz, S. (2007), Situations Journal, Vol 2, No1, ‘The Ignored Philosopher and Social Theorist: on the Work of Henri Lefebvre’ [Accessed Online] [First Accessed 12th February 2011] http://ojs.gc.cuny.edu/index.php/situations/article/view/175/207
Not Bored (1999), ‘Henri Lefebvre’, [Accessed Online] [First Accessed 12th February 2011] http://www.notbored.org/space.html